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Here’s How Moving to Work Remotely Could Affect Your Taxes

If you decided to ride out the pandemic at your out-of-state vacation house or with your parents in the suburbs, you may be in for an unpleasant reality: a hefty tax bill.

Given the complexity of state tax laws, accountants are advising their clients to track the number of days they spend working out of state. Some states impose income tax on people who work there for as little as a single day.

Even before the pandemic, conflicting state tax rules were creating issues for the increasing number of people who were working remotely, said Edward Zelinsky, a tax professor at Yeshiva University’s Cardozo School of Law.

“In the last six months, this has gone from a big problem to a humongous problem,” Mr. Zelinsky said. He knows from personal experience: He lives in Connecticut but works in New York and has paid tax on his New York-based salary to both states.

You might, depending on the state and how long you have been there.

The state where you have your primary residence typically can tax your worldwide income, and any state where you earn income also has the right to tax you on the income you earn in that state, said Kirk Stark, a professor of tax law at the University of California, Los Angeles.

“That immediately creates a possibility of two separate states taxing the same income,” Mr. Stark said.

Many states offer credits for taxes paid to other states, and that may ease the burden. But if the state where you have relocated does not have a reciprocity agreement with the state of your primary residence, you could be subject to double state-income taxation.

You have less to worry about if you have relocated to one of these 13 states, which have agreed not to tax workers who have moved there temporarily because of the pandemic: Alabama, Georgia, Illinois, Indiana, Massachusetts, Maryland, Minnesota, Mississippi, Nebraska, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island and South Carolina, according to the Association of International Certified Professional Accountants.

Unfortunately not, unless you are prepared to move there permanently.

Navneet Garodia, 35, a financial services professional, has an apartment in Jersey City, N.J., but moved in July to his in-laws’ house in Florida so that he and his family could have more space. He plans to reduce his New Jersey tax payments to account for the days he has worked from Florida, a state that does not impose income tax on residents.

“I shouldn’t be paying the amount of taxes I am in New Jersey, and Florida has no taxes,” he said. He has taken steps to show tax authorities that he is, in fact, in Florida, such as forwarding his mail to his address there.

But Mark S. Klein, the chairman of the law firm Hodgson Russ, says it is not that simple, as long as taxpayers still have a primary residence in the state where they had been working and intend to return there. The same applies for people who have moved to the Hamptons for the last few months — they will not be exempt from New York City tax if they return to the city once the pandemic is over.

“The rule with changing your domicile is you have to leave New York City, land in a new location and stick the landing,” Mr. Klein said.

Yes. Mr. Klein said more than 50 of his clients had moved to Florida, Texas, Nevada or Wyoming since March.

“It’s not a coincidence that these are no-tax states,” he said. The other states with no income tax are Alaska, South Dakota and Washington. Many of his clients have kept their residences in California or New York, he said, but will plan to spend the majority of the year in their homes in lower-tax or no-tax states.

Kent and Ruby Santin, who had lived in Long Island City, Queens, said they were looking to buy in New York when the pandemic hit. Instead, seeking better access to the outdoors, they changed course and bought a house on Lake Tahoe in Nevada.

The lack of income tax there was also a big plus. “That was part of the decision, to be totally honest,” Mr. Santin, 30, a management consultant said.

“Federalism,” Mr. Zelinsky said. Under the U.S. Constitution, states are permitted to create their own tax rules.

“What we’ve learned in the last six months are the benefits and the disadvantages of federalism,” he said. The benefits include governors who acted responsibly in managing the pandemic who “can make up for deficiencies of the federal government,” he said.

“The disadvantages are that states are going to have 50 different tax rules.”

Auditors are persistent, especially in New York. They will want to know how many days you have been in a state and will check your phone records, your credit card receipts, your voter registration, your travel records and details indicating how permanent your second residence is, including where your children are enrolled in school.

Even the nurses who came to New York to treat coronavirus patients will be subject to New York income tax if they worked in the state for more than 14 days, Gov. Andrew M. Cuomo said in May.

“We’re not in a position to provide any more subsidies right now because we have a $13 billion deficit,” Mr. Cuomo said at a news conference.

Nishant Mittal, the general manager of Topia Compass, which offers an app to help people keep track of their whereabouts for tax purposes, said he saw a 513 percent rise in subscribers in June, compared with June last year.

He said most of his clients did not envision a situation in which they would be working from the office as much as they did before the pandemic. “At this point, it’s no secret that this is going to be a big headache,” he said.

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Virgin Islands Will Subpoena Billionaire Investor in Epstein Case

Officials in the U.S. Virgin Islands want the billionaire investor Leon Black, one of the most powerful men on Wall Street, to hand over information about his decades-long business ties to the convicted sex offender Jeffrey Epstein.

The territory’s attorney general, Denise N. George, informed a local court on Thursday that she would issue civil subpoenas to Mr. Black, a founder of the private equity firm Apollo Global Management, and several entities connected to him, the chief clerk of the court said.

The subpoenas, copies of which were filed with the court, seek financial statements and tax returns for a number of entities, including Black Family Partners and Elysium Management, which oversee some of Mr. Black’s $9 billion fortune. Subpoenas will also go to Apollo and entities that help manage Mr. Black’s extensive art collection.

Mr. Black has said Mr. Epstein provided him with advice on tax strategy, estate planning and philanthropy, but has provided no details. A representative for Mr. Black said the financier had no further comment.

Mr. Black and his companies paid millions in fees to Southern Trust Company, which Mr. Epstein set up in the Virgin Islands in 2013, according to three people briefed on the matter who spoke on the condition of anonymity because they were not authorized to speak publicly.

Mr. Epstein had told territorial officials that Southern Trust was developing a DNA data-mining service, although he said the company would also have a “financial arm.” Financial reports filed with the territory show that Southern Trust collected $184 million in fees from 2013 to 2018, although it was not clear how much of that came from Mr. Black.

Mr. Black has said Mr. Epstein did no work for Apollo, which invests more than $300 billion for pension funds and other investors. The company said in a statement that Mr. Epstein did not do business with the firm.

Some of the subpoenas are for companies that Mr. Black, the chairman of the Museum of Modern Art, has used to build a collection that includes paintings by Edgar Degas, Henri Matisse and Pablo Picasso.

Image
Credit…Gabriella N. Baez for The New York Times

It was not clear when the subpoenas would be served; courts in the Virgin Islands are largely shut down because of the coronavirus pandemic.

The attorney general is seeking documents from Mr. Black related to Southern Trust and other companies and organizations that were controlled by Mr. Epstein, who died last summer in federal custody while facing federal sex-trafficking charges. His death was ruled a suicide.

The requests represent a significant step in Ms. George’s efforts to unravel the mystery of how Mr. Epstein amassed an estate valued at more than $600 million. They are part of a civil forfeiture suit she filed against his estate in January, claiming Mr. Epstein had misled government officials in the Virgin Islands to secure lucrative tax breaks for his businesses while engaging in sex trafficking and the abuse of underage girls.

Ms. George has also sent subpoenas to banks that handled Mr. Epstein’s money, including JPMorgan Chase and Deutsche Bank. Some of the payment information involving Mr. Black surfaced during a review by Deutsche Bank, according to one of the people briefed on the matter. Deutsche Bank recently reached a settlement with regulators in New York who found the bank had done little to vet Mr. Epstein’s financial dealings.

Mr. Black knew Mr. Epstein for more than two decades. Mr. Epstein was one of the original trustees of the Debra and Leon Black Family Foundation, which Mr. Black established in 1997, and stayed on the board for a decade.

Some prominent business figures — including Leslie H. Wexner, the retail mogul behind Victoria’s Secret — cut ties with Mr. Epstein after his 2008 conviction in Florida on a charge of soliciting prostitution from a minor, but Mr. Black did not.

In 2015, a company tied to the Black foundation donated $10 million to one of Mr. Epstein’s charitable organizations. And at Mr. Epstein’s urging, Mr. Black gave an anonymous $5 million donation to the MIT Media Lab, according to a university report, and several million to professors at Harvard University.

Mr. Black has said he was “completely unaware” of the activities that led to the sex-trafficking charges against Mr. Epstein.

Kitty Bennett contributed research.

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State and Local Budget Pain Looms Over Economy’s Future

WASHINGTON — The U.S. economy struggled to shake off the last recession, with historically slow growth and a labor market that took more than six years to recover its earlier employment levels. A big part of the reason: state and local governments, which cut spending and fired workers amid widespread budget shortfalls.

The same dynamic poses one of the biggest threats to America’s recovery from the pandemic downturn. State governments are again experiencing extreme budget problems as they pay out increasing sums to cover unemployment and health costs caused by the coronavirus crisis while revenues from sales taxes and corporate and personal income tax payments plummet. States could face a gap of at least $555 billion through the 2022 fiscal year, according to one estimate.

Economists warn that the long-term risk coming from struggling states could prove even more damaging this time than the last recession, which spanned 2007 to 2009, unless Washington steps in. Yet providing more aid to state and local governments has become one of the biggest political battles in the fight over another pandemic rescue package.

The Senate formally adjourned on Thursday until early September, all but ending any chance that an agreement could be reached soon. House members had already left Washington.

President Trump and top Republicans, including Senator Mitch McConnell of Kentucky, the majority leader, say that providing more money to states could simply bail out fiscally irresponsible governments that did not manage their budgets and their public pension plans prudently in good times. Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin said Wednesday in a television interview that most states had not exhausted the $150 billion that was allocated in the relief bill passed in March, though analysts say much of that has already been earmarked for certain projects.

Democrats insist that states need more money and have proposed as much as $1 trillion, saying it would support needed services and help the economy recover more quickly.

While many governments entered the downturn with solid tax revenues and billions of dollars in their emergency reserve funds, those coffers are quickly dwindling. State revenues “could fall as much as or more than they did in the worst year of the Great Recession and remain depressed in following years,” according to the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities, a progressive think tank.

Nearly all states are required to balance their budgets, meaning officials will need to plug shortfalls by tapping emergency funds, raising taxes or cutting costs, including jobs.

That worries economists and Federal Reserve officials. Jerome H. Powell, the Fed chair, regularly warns that state job cuts could weigh on the economy’s ability to recover, and his colleagues warn of public-sector budget pain as one of the primary vulnerabilities ahead.

“It will hold back the economic recovery if they continue to lay people off and if they continue to cut essential services,” Mr. Powell said during congressional testimony in June. “In fact, that’s kind of what happened post the global financial crisis.”

Charles Evans, president of the Federal Reserve Bank of Chicago, echoed that sentiment in a CBS interview on Sunday, saying, “As you look at the economic outlook, there are some negative scenarios, and the ones that are most pessimistic involve not supporting state and local governments.” Absent that help, Mr. Evans said, “there will be employment reductions.”

While it is unclear how persistent the cuts will be — some jobs may still come back as economies reopen — state and local employment losses this year have already dwarfed those in and after the entire Great Recession. Back then, state and local governments cut about 750,000 jobs over nearly five years.

Just since February, about 1.2 million local government jobs have been lost. Moody’s Analytics researchers estimate that 2.8 million more could be on the chopping block without more federal help. If that happens, state and local job cuts stand to shave about 2.6 percent from overall pre-crisis employment levels.

With unemployment high, at 10.2 percent, and many businesses expected to close, states are bracing for more safety net costs on top of the public health expenses they are already incurring. They spend a large chunk of their budgets on Medicaid payments and services for low-income residents.

Yet the Trump administration and many Republican lawmakers have largely brushed off state financial woes, insisting that governors and other local leaders foot part of the pandemic aid bill and refusing to “bail out” Democratic-led states struggling with huge shortfalls in their public pension plans.

Image
Credit…Doug Mills/The New York Times

Over the weekend, Mr. Trump suggested tapping state coffers as part of his plan to extend pumped-up unemployment insurance benefits, which had been going to millions of workers until the program expired at the end of July.

Governors, including some Republicans, expressed concern about the administration’s attempt to have states shoulder more financial responsibility. Mr. Trump’s proposal that states contribute an extra $100 in weekly unemployment benefits in order to get a $300 supplement from the federal government received a chilly reception from many state officials.

“They just don’t have the money to kick that in,” said Dan White, director of government consulting and fiscal policy research with Moody’s Analytics.

The administration soon shifted the policy to fit that reality. Officials in the office of Gov. Mike DeWine of Ohio, a Republican, said they were told late Sunday by the Labor Department of a new option allowing unemployed workers to claim the additional $300 per week without the state’s kicking in an extra $100.

By midweek, White House aides were making clear in interviews that the state payment was largely optional.

“We are no longer insisting on a cost-sharing deal,” Larry Kudlow, Mr. Trump’s economic adviser, told Fox Business.

Even so, Mr. Kudlow voiced wariness of unfettered additional assistance to states. And while Mr. Mnuchin said the White House was willing to provide an additional $150 billion to states for coronavirus-related costs, that is far less than other policymakers have suggested may be needed. A bipartisan group of lawmakers, including Senator Bill Cassidy of Louisiana, a Republican, are pushing a bill that would give states $500 billion.

“Yes, it is a concern that we’re spending the money now, but the alternative looks far worse,” Mr. Cassidy said this week in an interview, referring to many Republicans’ reluctance to add to the nearly $3 trillion already spent.

Analysts say the actual need probably falls somewhere between the various proposals. Moody’s Analytics, for instance, estimates that states and localities will face a $500 billion budget hole through 2022 if the worst of the pandemic is already past and $750 billion if the United States faces a second pandemic wave this fall.

Mr. Mnuchin has said Democrats want federal money to help support ailing pension funds and to fill budget shortfalls that states were facing before the pandemic — an assertion that Democrats push back on and an outcome that analysts say could be prevented by including restrictions in the legislation.

“What did they say? ‘Let them go bankrupt,’” Speaker Nancy Pelosi of California said of Republican negotiators at her weekly news conference on Thursday. “Economists tell us that our economy depends on the fiscal soundness of state and local government.”

The economic risks are not confined to blue states. Idaho, West Virginia and Alaska, all Republican-dominated states, also face acute budget shortfalls as a percentage of output, based on estimates from Mr. White and his colleagues at Moody’s Analytics.

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Credit…Spencer Platt/Getty Images

Hard-hit governments “will start pulling the trigger on cutting services and raising taxes” in the coming years if they do not get help, said Ernie Tedeschi, policy economist for Evercore ISI, a research firm. Such cuts “don’t necessarily plunge you back into recession, but they can slow down the economy.”

Already, many states are dipping into rainy-day funds or using other temporary measures to meet their requirements for balanced budgets, and spending cuts are already underway or proposed in many places. In New York, for instance, lawmakers in April gave Gov. Andrew M. Cuomo a one-year window to cut spending unilaterally as merited as the state faces down a huge shortfall.

The pain extends to local governments. More than 700 cities have scrapped plans to work on roads, buy equipment and upgrade critical infrastructure since the pandemic began, based on a survey by the National League of Cities.

States and localities have already slashed about 6 percent of their combined work forces since the downturn began. And while their hiring showed a rebound last month, that was only because of a quirk in how the data are adjusted for seasonal fluctuations.

Brian Sigritz, director of state fiscal studies for the National Association of State Budget Officers, said it would probably take years for state budgets to restore their footing.

“It will be a drag on G.D.P. growth at a time when the nation’s economy is attempting to recover,” Mr. Sigritz said.

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California, After Riding a Boom, Braces for Hard Times

OAKLAND, Calif. — When California shut down its economy in March, it became a model for painful but aggressive action to counter the new coronavirus. The implicit trade-off was that a lot of upfront pain would help slow the spread, allowing the state to reopen sooner and more triumphantly than places that failed to act as decisively.

But the virus had other plans, and now the state’s economy is in retrenchment mode again. For the nation, this means that an important center of its output — a magnet of summer tourism and home to the technology and entertainment industries along with the world’s busiest port operation — is unlikely to regain momentum soon when growth is needed most.

For the state, it means a progressive agenda predicated on the continuation of good times will be hampered as governments move from expansion to cuts. Voters had mostly been open to paying for expanding services and priorities like affordable housing, but they seem to be turning wary of new taxes.




CALIFORNIA’S SHARE OF NATIONAL G.D.P.

15

percent

1Q 2020

14.7

14

13

RECESSIONS

1997

12.5

12

’97

’00

’05

’10

’15

’20

CALIFORNIA’S SHARE OF NATIONAL G.D.P.

15

percent

1Q 2020

14.7

14

13

RECESSIONS

1997

12.5

12

’97

’00

’05

’10

’15

’20


By The New York Times | Source: Bureau of Economic Analysis

California has always been a boom-and-bust economy, so while nobody was predicting a global pandemic that would tear through the service sector, the prospect of struggle was not unforeseen. Jerry Brown, the four-term governor, left office in 2018 with a multibillion-dollar state surplus and unemployment headed to a record low. But instead of departing on a triumphant high note, he said after his final budget presentation, “What’s out there is darkness, uncertainty, decline and recession.”

His more upbeat successor, Gov. Gavin Newsom, came in promising to expand health care and tackle the state’s homeless problem. Yet in his inaugural speech, Mr. Newsom warned, “Even in a booming economy, there is a sense that things are not as predictable as they once were.”




WEEKLY UNEMPLOYMENT CLAIMS

6

million

5

U.S. total

4

3

2

1

California

0

Jan.

Feb.

March

April

May

June

2020

WEEKLY UNEMPLOYMENT CLAIMS

6

million

5

U.S. total

4

3

2

1

California

0

Jan.

Feb.

Mar.

April

May

June

2020


Not seasonally adjusted

By The New York Times | Source: Department of Labor

Indeed. Unemployment, which was 3.9 percent in February, the lowest on record, shot up to 16.3 percent by May, compared with 13.3 percent nationwide. Container traffic at the Ports of Los Angeles and Long Beach is down about a third from a year ago, while many beaches and attractions like Disneyland were closed on July Fourth and are delaying their reopening plans. Most dispiriting is the sense that even after politicians made tough calls that Californians largely supported, the economy seems no better off.

Andrew Snow was supposed to be ramping up by now. Mr. Snow, who owns the Golden Squirrel, a restaurant and bar in Oakland’s Rockridge neighborhood, cut his staff of 28 people to two after the pandemic hit. But thanks to takeout orders, a new line of business selling groceries and the resumption of outdoor service, he recently brought two back, and was set to bump that figure to six or eight by the July Fourth weekend.

Image
Credit…Jason Henry for The New York Times

A few weeks ago, those plans seemed sound. Back then, on the sunny Friday afternoon when outdoor dining in Alameda County was allowed to resume, the Golden Squirrel’s patio tables, about eight feet apart, were full of patrons enjoying their first trip out for a drink since shelter-in-place orders took effect. That weekend the surrounding College Avenue retail strip was busy with masked, distanced, Purell-doused dining that to many felt borderline decadent after months of being cooped up.

Now business is slowing again, as California is averaging about 8,000 new cases a day, about triple the level a month ago. Mr. Snow’s plans to bring back workers over the holiday weekend didn’t come to pass, and he has put further hiring on hold.

“People are scared,” he said in an interview. “The math for having more people doesn’t work out anymore.”

Exactly how and how quickly the state should have reopened, and who is to blame for the backslide, are unlikely to ever be resolved. What the result means for the economy is more time in the dark, more need among the poorest citizens and more drain on the taxes required to support them.

The U.C.L.A. Anderson Forecast, which has been prognosticating California’s economic trajectory since 1952, expects that the state and national economies won’t fully recover until “well past 2022.” In the state as in the nation, the worst declines will be in the leisure and hospitality industries, while higher-wage areas like technology will be better off, a dynamic that will make financial inequality worse.

Even if the country avoids a second wave of infections in the fall, and a vaccine is made and distributed relatively quickly, that won’t keep many businesses from failing. Others will shift from investing in new equipment and employees to paying debt and shoring reserves. State and local budgets could take years to recover their pre-coronavirus levels of spending, even with federal help.

“The impacts will disproportionately affect lower-income Californians, while the more rapid growth will be happening in technology and construction, which are higher income,” said Jerry Nickelsburg, director of the U.C.L.A. Anderson Forecast.

The longer the pandemic’s disruption, the more likely it is that some jobs will never come back. For instance, a number of restaurants had already switched to counter service, even for fairly high-end meals, to avoid the need for servers who have a hard time affording housing in big cities. Now virtually every restaurant in California is operating around counter service or delivery, and some may not change back.

Image

Credit…Jason Henry for The New York Times
Image

Credit…Jason Henry for The New York Times

Mr. Snow, for example, envisions a restaurant where people order at the bar, eat far from other patrons, then leave with a bag of groceries. The Golden Squirrel would have fewer employees, compensating for a less-full restaurant with expanded takeout orders.

“Some of the changes will make us a better business in the future,” Mr. Snow said. “The challenge is getting to that future.”

  • Frequently Asked Questions

    Updated July 7, 2020

    • What are the symptoms of coronavirus?

      Common symptoms include fever, a dry cough, fatigue and difficulty breathing or shortness of breath. Some of these symptoms overlap with those of the flu, making detection difficult, but runny noses and stuffy sinuses are less common. The C.D.C. has also added chills, muscle pain, sore throat, headache and a new loss of the sense of taste or smell as symptoms to look out for. Most people fall ill five to seven days after exposure, but symptoms may appear in as few as two days or as many as 14 days.

    • Is it harder to exercise while wearing a mask?

      A commentary published this month on the website of the British Journal of Sports Medicine points out that covering your face during exercise “comes with issues of potential breathing restriction and discomfort” and requires “balancing benefits versus possible adverse events.” Masks do alter exercise, says Cedric X. Bryant, the president and chief science officer of the American Council on Exercise, a nonprofit organization that funds exercise research and certifies fitness professionals. “In my personal experience,” he says, “heart rates are higher at the same relative intensity when you wear a mask.” Some people also could experience lightheadedness during familiar workouts while masked, says Len Kravitz, a professor of exercise science at the University of New Mexico.

    • I’ve heard about a treatment called dexamethasone. Does it work?

      The steroid, dexamethasone, is the first treatment shown to reduce mortality in severely ill patients, according to scientists in Britain. The drug appears to reduce inflammation caused by the immune system, protecting the tissues. In the study, dexamethasone reduced deaths of patients on ventilators by one-third, and deaths of patients on oxygen by one-fifth.

    • What is pandemic paid leave?

      The coronavirus emergency relief package gives many American workers paid leave if they need to take time off because of the virus. It gives qualified workers two weeks of paid sick leave if they are ill, quarantined or seeking diagnosis or preventive care for coronavirus, or if they are caring for sick family members. It gives 12 weeks of paid leave to people caring for children whose schools are closed or whose child care provider is unavailable because of the coronavirus. It is the first time the United States has had widespread federally mandated paid leave, and includes people who don’t typically get such benefits, like part-time and gig economy workers. But the measure excludes at least half of private-sector workers, including those at the country’s largest employers, and gives small employers significant leeway to deny leave.

    • Does asymptomatic transmission of Covid-19 happen?

      So far, the evidence seems to show it does. A widely cited paper published in April suggests that people are most infectious about two days before the onset of coronavirus symptoms and estimated that 44 percent of new infections were a result of transmission from people who were not yet showing symptoms. Recently, a top expert at the World Health Organization stated that transmission of the coronavirus by people who did not have symptoms was “very rare,” but she later walked back that statement.

    • What’s the risk of catching coronavirus from a surface?

      Touching contaminated objects and then infecting ourselves with the germs is not typically how the virus spreads. But it can happen. A number of studies of flu, rhinovirus, coronavirus and other microbes have shown that respiratory illnesses, including the new coronavirus, can spread by touching contaminated surfaces, particularly in places like day care centers, offices and hospitals. But a long chain of events has to happen for the disease to spread that way. The best way to protect yourself from coronavirus — whether it’s surface transmission or close human contact — is still social distancing, washing your hands, not touching your face and wearing masks.

    • How does blood type influence coronavirus?

      A study by European scientists is the first to document a strong statistical link between genetic variations and Covid-19, the illness caused by the coronavirus. Having Type A blood was linked to a 50 percent increase in the likelihood that a patient would need to get oxygen or to go on a ventilator, according to the new study.

    • How can I protect myself while flying?

      If air travel is unavoidable, there are some steps you can take to protect yourself. Most important: Wash your hands often, and stop touching your face. If possible, choose a window seat. A study from Emory University found that during flu season, the safest place to sit on a plane is by a window, as people sitting in window seats had less contact with potentially sick people. Disinfect hard surfaces. When you get to your seat and your hands are clean, use disinfecting wipes to clean the hard surfaces at your seat like the head and arm rest, the seatbelt buckle, the remote, screen, seat back pocket and the tray table. If the seat is hard and nonporous or leather or pleather, you can wipe that down, too. (Using wipes on upholstered seats could lead to a wet seat and spreading of germs rather than killing them.)

    • What should I do if I feel sick?

      If you’ve been exposed to the coronavirus or think you have, and have a fever or symptoms like a cough or difficulty breathing, call a doctor. They should give you advice on whether you should be tested, how to get tested, and how to seek medical treatment without potentially infecting or exposing others.